Chapter 394
Looking at Khrushchev's expression, the strange thing is that under the light of the bonfire, there was no expression on his face. He neither echoed Comrade Stalin's criticism nor defended his deputy. The silence around the bonfire made Yuri feel a little embarrassed. Of course, this embarrassment may be just his psychological effect, an illusion based on a premise. And this judgment is that the people present have completely alienated Comrade Stalin.
"Besides, Alexei Iorionovich is old," Comrade Stalin continued to speak to himself, as if he did not notice the unusual atmosphere. "Like him, I mean, in our party, there are still a large number of senior cadres whose thoughts are stagnant in the socialist revolution period. They are undoubtedly outdated, and their outdated ideas can no longer keep up with the current political needs."
At this point, he stood up from his chair, waved his pipe in front of him, and said in a firm tone: "Yes, this is the starting point for my emphasis on the rejuvenation of the cadre team. Old ideas and rigid concepts are the nourishment for dissatisfaction and resentment. Look at what has happened in the past period of time. In Leningrad, Kiev, Kuibyshev, and so on, in many places, there are people who are resentful of the party and the Soviets. Everyone, every one of us needs to be vigilant about this. I even think it is necessary to carry out a movement like the one in 1936 to root out these tumors."
Yuri lowered his eyelids and threw away the cigarette in his hand. At the same time, he involuntarily took the cigarette box, took out a cigarette from it, put it in his mouth and lit it. He now felt that he needed nicotine anesthesia, but even with nicotine anesthesia, it seemed that he could not stop the trembling of his hand.
He felt that Comrade Stalin had gone crazy. Oh, that’s not right. It should be said that he seemed too clear-headed, to the point of hysteria.
The movement in the second half of the 1930s was a product of the conditions of that era. At that time, the country could withstand such trauma, and the people around him were willing to choose to support him - why were they willing to support him? Because at that time, the people around the campfire were not as powerful as they are today. In the core circle in Moscow, they had a common enemy to deal with, and those who were eliminated in the movement were their former enemies and opponents.
But what about now? What time is it now? From the 1930s to the 1950s, a generation has passed. The Soviet Union today is no longer the same Soviet Union as it was back then, and those who supported Stalin around the campfire are no longer the same as they were back then.
At that time, these people had enemies and opponents in the power core. In order to gain power, they would naturally choose to gather around Comrade Stalin, charge into battle for him, and kill enemies with blood. But what about now? These people present are the power core of Moscow, and they represent the state power of the Soviet Union. To go further, they are what Comrade Stalin called "a group of senior cadres whose thoughts are stagnant in the socialist revolution period." In the power core of Moscow, no one is their opponent except Comrade Stalin himself.
At this time, Comrade Stalin actually wanted to launch a movement like the one in the second half of the 30 years, and wanted to "cut out these cancerous tumors." Who did he want to cut out? Who did he want to overthrow? Who did he want to crush? Who did he plan to rely on to do this?
Yuri didn't know what the mood of these people present was, but one thing was certain: even if it was him, if Comrade Stalin wanted to kill him now, he would not surrender.
Perhaps the words from Comrade Stalin were too shocking, Yuri was distracted and did not hear what Comrade Stalin said afterwards. It was not until Malenkov spoke on the opposite side that he suddenly came back to his senses.
"The relevant preparations are still being made," Malenkov stood up from his chair, holding a glass of wine in his hand. His fat body was slightly bent. The curve was not large, but it was clearly visible. "Considering the distance of the journey, the representatives of the Far East have been notified. It is expected that within the next two to three weeks..."
"That's two weeks," Comrade Stalin interrupted him and said in an unquestionable tone, "There is no third week to waste. The relevant notice will be issued tomorrow, and the opening time of the meeting will be set on the twelfth of next month."
"I'll arrange for the notification to be issued tomorrow," Malenkov took out a small notebook from his jacket pocket, took notes with the pen he carried with him, and said, "As for..."
He obviously wanted to say something else, but Comrade Stalin had already diverted his attention. He interrupted Malenkov and said to Yuri: "This meeting is very important. My opinion is that we should make use of the Palace of Soviets."
Yuri knew that he was definitely talking about the congress, so he nodded quickly.
“Inform Alexander Mikhailovich,” Comrade Stalin continued, “and order the 2nd Guards Motorized Rifle Division of the Moscow Military District to enter Rostov; the Kandemirov Division to enter Ivanovo; the 206th Motorized Rifle Division to enter Vladimir; the 98th and 106th Airborne Divisions to enter Sergiev Posad…”
This was a series of troop relocation orders, and the cities involved were all satellite cities surrounding Moscow. It was obvious that Comrade Stalin was very cautious in convening the Party Congress again after many years. The troops that needed to be mobilized did not all belong to the Moscow Military Region, but a large part of them were Guards troops, such as the 2nd Guards Motorized Rifle Division, which was the famous Taman Division.
Comrade Stalin's order was obviously directed to Bulganin, who, like Malenkov, took out a small notebook to take notes with a serious and cautious attitude, and could not find any fault with it.
However, although Yuri did not look up, he knew that when Comrade Stalin issued the order to relocate these troops, Comrade Beria must have felt uncomfortable. It could even be said that he was probably extremely panicked.
It is certain that defense work like this has always been the responsibility of the State Security Committee in the past. After all, it has a large number of internal security forces under its command, and the entire Moscow Military District belongs to the internal security forces. But this time, Comrade Stalin did not assign this task to him, but made arrangements through the Ministry of Defense, which is equivalent to handing the defense work over to the military.
What does this mean? Don't think that this simply means that Comrade Stalin no longer trusts Beria. It's not that simple. Guards units such as the Taman Division, the Kandemilov Division, and the 106th Airborne Division, which are internal guard units under the Moscow Military District, have been handed over to the Ministry of Defense for command. This is equivalent to taking away the largest part of the power of the State Security Committee. The Ministry of Defense will be responsible for the full command of these units for a period of time in the future, and these units have been transferred to the suburbs of Moscow...
What would Comrade Beria think? From a normal point of view, he would be suspicious and think that Comrade Stalin was ready to deal with him, and the method he used was exactly the same as when he killed Yezhov.
If nothing unexpected happens, at the upcoming Party Congress, Comrade Stalin will certainly launch a series of liquidations against him. Beria himself should know that he is different from everyone present. Others present, whether Molotov or Bulganin, may be able to spend their old age in peace after losing power, or at most be in a state of desolation. Yuri may have the best ending. He will probably be sent to guard a reservoir somewhere, but he will never end up dead without a burial place.
What about Beria? In the past 20 years, he had offended too many people. It might be an exaggeration to say that the people who wanted to kill him could line up from Moscow to Kiev, but it would definitely be possible to line up to Leningrad. So, for him, losing power was equivalent to losing his life. There was no difference between the two.
"The work of the propaganda and agitation departments must also be strengthened," Comrade Stalin's ideas were somewhat fanciful and irrelevant. He was just talking about the relocation of the army, and the topic changed to the propaganda and agitation departments again.
His cloudy eyes moved around the campfire, seeming to take everyone into consideration. Finally, he said, "Didn't Mikhail Andreevich get notified? See, this is the problem. Some comrades tend to have omissions in their work. Why didn't you notify Mikhail Andreevich to come over?"
Mikhail Andreyevich was obviously referring to Suslov. After Zhdanov's death, especially after the Leningrad faction suffered a severe blow, Suslov had actually become the main person in charge of propaganda and agitation, but the problem was that his power was far from that of Zhdanov, and he could not rank in front of a group of veteran guys.
And what Comrade Stalin is criticizing now is obviously Poskrebyshev. What he means is that Suslov's absence is entirely due to Poskrebyshev's negligence in his work. Well, maybe Suslov's name was already on Comrade Stalin's previous invitation list, but in Yuri's opinion, this possibility is almost zero.
Although Suslov was not present, Comrade Stalin still talked a lot about the work that needed to be done in propaganda and agitation, and this time, it was Comrade Malenkov who was responsible for taking notes... Yuri was a little suspicious, did this guy want to take Suslov's power, or did he still covet a secretary position in the Central Secretariat?
