Chapter 293
Don’t underestimate the time difference of more than a year. The European war ended more than a year ago, and many things have undergone fundamental changes.
First of all, more than a year earlier, on the Chinese battlefield, the Japanese army's last-ditch effort in Henan, Hunan and Guangxi was only halfway through, and with the collapse of the entire Kwantung Army, its subsequent offensive became exhausted and powerless. Most importantly, the logistical supply was completely cut off, and the North China Army was forced to abandon its initial battle plan, shrink its forces across the board, and gather its forces in Zhangjiakou and Shanhaiguan, trying to resist to the end.
Affected by this, China's front-line battlefields and rear-line battlefields began to become active, launching a full-scale counterattack against the Japanese troops that entered Hunan, and carrying out large-scale raids in Shanxi, Shaanxi and other places.
On the Pacific battlefield, the US military was still stuck in the battlefield of the Philippine Islands. The stubborn resistance of the Japanese army caused huge losses to the US military, which also made the Americans worried about the prospect of attacking the Japanese mainland.
Of course, the most important point is that the United States' atomic bomb had not yet been finally developed at this time. In the absence of this killer weapon, Washington was quite worried about the Soviet Union's powerful military. Therefore, when dealing with the issue of Japan, the Americans were not very confident. It was precisely because of this that the Americans sent only a negotiating note to Moscow, rather than a harshly worded demand.
In fact, the initiative of whether to launch an offensive against the Japanese mainland now lies in the hands of the Soviet Union, or more precisely, in the hands of Stalin himself. If he thinks it is beneficial to launch an attack on the Japanese mainland, then there will be no big problem.
Ultimately, whether this war can be carried out depends on whether fighting against the Japanese mainland is in line with the national interests of the Soviet Union.
Looking at Stalin's face that seemed a little blurry in the dim light, Yuri was thinking about this question in his mind.
Undoubtedly, considering the current weakness of the Soviet Navy and the Japanese military's combat style of not taking human lives seriously, if the Soviet Army wanted to launch an offensive against the Japanese mainland, the losses it would have to bear would be very huge. From this perspective, it was obviously wise to accept the American note and abandon the combat plan to attack the Japanese mainland.
But from another perspective, if the Soviet army launched a war against the Japanese mainland regardless of losses, the final gains would also be mouth-watering. Just like Stalin's plan, the Soviet army's ambition was to permanently incorporate the entire Hokkaido into the Soviet territory, and at the same time, to include part of Honshu Island and the entire Korean Peninsula into its sphere of influence, just like the division of Germany.
Polar bears have an innate uncontrollable desire for territory. To put it bluntly, the opportunity to incorporate Hokkaido into the territory of the Soviet Union is something that every Russian is eager to do, not to mention the irreconcilable feud between Japan and Russia.
In addition, occupying Hokkaido and the Kuril Islands is not just an additional piece of territory for the Soviet Union, it also means that the Soviet Navy has the conditions to freely enter and exit the Pacific Ocean. Nowadays, there is no awareness or saying of the so-called island chain defense, not only in the Soviet Union, but also in the Americans. As a reborn, Yuri doesn't mind putting forward this strategic concept in advance.
Why did the Soviet Union in the past fail to develop the Pacific Fleet? There are many reasons for this, but one reason may be that the Pacific Fleet's passage in and out of the Pacific was blocked by the three-level island chain defense built by the Americans.
As a reborn person, after coming to this world for so long, the memories and emotions of his previous life can be said to be getting farther and farther away from him. He may not take the initiative to do anything, but since the opportunity is at hand, he doesn't mind causing more harm to the Japanese, whom he once hated the most.
As expected, Stalin did not take the American note seriously. He summoned many people today not to discuss the American note, but to determine whether the anti-Japanese combat plan needed to be implemented. If it was to be implemented, how could the Soviet combat forces successfully implement the landing combat plan in the face of the superior naval force of the Japanese army that had already returned to defend?
As the Chief of the Navy General Staff, Isakov was the first to express his opinion. This general, who was well aware of the strength of the Soviet Red Navy, was clearly not optimistic about the landing plan on the Japanese mainland. He specifically analyzed the performance of the Pacific Fleet in attacking the ports of Chongjin, Rajin, and Wonsan in North Korea, and focused on the situation when the navy transported landing troops and carried out beachhead operations on South Sakhalin Island. He believed that the Soviet Navy could not support the landing plan on the Japanese mainland with its strength.
In addition, Isakov also emphasized the problem of the Soviet long-range aviation, especially the shore-based aviation. In the Far East, especially in the coastal areas, the Far Eastern Front could not gain an overwhelming advantage in the face of air battles at sea and battles to seize air supremacy during landing operations.
The reason for this is not that the Soviet air force was not strong enough or that there were not enough planes, but that there were not enough airports. In the coastal areas, the Soviet army lacked sufficient take-off and landing and transfer airports, and the lack of airports resulted in the air force being unable to use its strength.
According to Isakov's estimate, if the Air Force wants to have an absolute advantage in air battles against the Japanese mainland, at least five to seven take-off and landing airports need to be built in Primorsky Krai, Sakhalin and other places.
As Isakov finished his speech, the next person to put forward his opinion was Timoshenko. This senior marshal comrade obviously did not agree with the combat plan of landing on the Japanese mainland. He believed that if the Soviet army wanted to achieve combat results on the Japanese mainland, it would probably have to pay the price of about 100,000 to 200,000 casualties, which was not worth the loss.
In addition, Timoshenko mentioned the conflict of interests that the Soviet Union and Western countries might have after the war. He was pessimistic about the future of the US-Soviet alliance after the war, and believed that with the end of the world war, the contradictions between the East and the West would become prominent, and eventually lead to the deterioration of US-Soviet relations. Under this premise, even if the Soviet Union occupied Hokkaido, it would not have any strategic significance, after all, the strength of the US Navy was known to the world.
As a "veteran" with past life experience, Yuri had to agree with Timoshenko's statement in his heart, but there was nothing admirable about it. The reason why Timoshenko could see the direction of post-war US-Soviet relations was not because he had a far-sighted vision or strategic prediction ability, but because there were already two different views on the future relationship between the US and the Soviet Union among the current Soviet high-level officials.
If we make a rough classification, the position held by the military is what Timoshenko said, that is, they basically believe that the contradiction between the United States and the Soviet Union is inevitable, and the Western capitalist world will never give up the desire to destroy the Soviet Union. On the other hand, a group of politicians, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, believe that the Soviet Union should strengthen its friendly relations with the United States after the war and further promote exchanges between the United States and the Soviet Union in various aspects such as politics, economy, trade, and military.
After Timoshenko, the next person to speak out was Vasilevsky . His position was completely different from the previous two. As a former Chief of the General Staff of the Soviet Army and a participant in the Far East Campaign, Vasilevsky advocated increasing the Soviet presence in the Far East. He believed that even if the Soviet Army did not take direct landing operations in the war against Japan, it should show its deterrence as much as possible in this battle, thus highlighting the important role played by the Soviet Union in the war against Japan on the international political stage.
Furthermore, Vasilevsky explicitly opposed the US and the Soviet Union to use the 1904 Russo-Japanese secret agreement as a blueprint to use the 38th parallel as the boundary of the actual control area of both sides. He believed that the Soviet Union should not only control the northern part of Korea, but also the southern part of Korea, and even the main islands around Tsushima Island should be under the control of the Soviet Union. The reason for this is to ensure the regional military security of the Soviet Union, which is very important.
Yuri could understand Vasilevsky's position. This guy is still upset about not being able to personally command the troops to attack Berlin. However, what has happened is past, and no matter how upset he is, it will not be of any use. So, he might have the idea of getting back at Japan.
Of course, this is just an idea with a darker stance. Fundamentally speaking, Vasilevsky is not wrong. It is indeed necessary for the Soviet Union to demonstrate its presence in the Far East, because the strategic position of East Asia is very important. It is not only the basis for the struggle for control of the Pacific Ocean, but also directly related to the defense of the Soviet Far East.
As the Deputy Chief of the General Staff and Chief of Operations, Yuri was the last to express his views. Summarizing the positions of the above people, it is obvious that the plan to land on the Japanese mainland was not advantageous, so he did not raise this issue, but based on Vasilevsky's statement, combined with the questions raised by Isakov, he made some extensions.
Yuri suggested that since the Soviet air force could not form an overwhelming advantage in the battle of landing on the Japanese mainland, they could choose to build several forward airports in the coastal areas of the Primorsky Krai. It happened that the two Far Eastern Fronts had captured a large number of Japanese prisoners of war, and they could use these prisoners as labor to build five to seven forward airports within a month to help the air force form an overwhelming advantage in the battle in the Far East and even on the Japanese mainland.
As Vasilevsky said, regardless of whether the Soviet army chose to land on the Japanese mainland to fight, the Soviet Union had to demonstrate its presence in the process of fighting against Japan. Then, if the landing operation was ultimately determined to be impossible to implement, the Soviet army could also use the power of the air force to strike the Japanese mainland.
