Chapter 188 The Future
There is always a lack of struggles in politics. Sometimes these struggles are out in the open, sometimes they are hidden underwater, sometimes they are of low intensity, and sometimes they are endless.
As a reborn person, Yuri has been working hard to transform himself into a qualified politician since he retired from the front line and moved to Moscow. However, this transformation process is somewhat difficult. After all, there is no ready-made experience to learn from, and there is no way to ask others for advice. Everything can only rely on his own observation and understanding.
After several months of understanding and personal experience, Yuri believes that the so-called factional struggle in the current Soviet Communist Party is not obvious, at least it is difficult for Yuri, who has not yet fully integrated into the circle, to notice. Yuri believes that the main reason for this is Stalin. This national leader with an iron will is too strong, and no one dares to show the intention of forming cliques in front of him.
More often than not, the power struggle in Moscow is mainly concentrated between certain representative figures, and the scope of the power struggle is also mainly concentrated within the scope of their respective powers. For example, the power struggle between Molotov and Litvinov was concentrated in the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. The struggle lasted for many years and ended with Litvinov's defeat. During the Great Purge, Molotov swept away those who were subordinate to Litvinov in the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, but Litvinov himself survived - not because Litvinov was good at self-protection, nor because Molotov showed mercy, but because Stalin used a little finger to set up a protective barrier in front of Litvinov.
Many people knew that Litvinov was a thorn in Molotov's side, and that was why Khrushchev was so happy when Litvinov's name appeared on the list of attendees. Of course, it can also be seen from this that the relationship between Comrade Khrushchev and Molotov was probably not very harmonious.
To be honest, Yuri was extremely tired of this kind of political intrigue. If possible, he would rather stay away from it and ignore it, but he also knew very well that it was impossible. Since the day he returned to Moscow, he could no longer escape from this kind of intrigue. The most important thing is that with a series of decisive victories of the Soviet army on the Eastern Front, this war that has lasted for years may not last long. When the war is over and everything returns to normal, political issues will dominate the country again. Yuri understands that if a general like himself who has made great achievements during the war cannot adapt to and be familiar with politics in peacetime, then being eliminated is inevitable.
On the one hand, it is a personal preference, and on the other hand, he has to do it out of helplessness. Apart from sighing that life is so absurd, Yuri obviously has no choice.
"The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs will probably have a hard time maintaining stability in the future," Khrushchev said, his gloating was undisguised. "This may be a good opportunity for some people, but for you, when you accompany Comrade Stalin to Tehran this time, it is best to keep a low profile as much as possible and not to highlight yourself too much."
Khrushchev paused, laughed mockingly, and then continued: "This is an international conference, a meeting between the heads of the three major Allied powers. At this kind of meeting, only one person can represent the Soviet motherland, and it must be one person. This is not only a political issue, but also a matter of principle. And this person is Comrade Stalin. No matter what time it is, you must remember this."
"Of course, I understand that." Yuri collected his thoughts and nodded.
"No, no, no, Yuri Arkhipovich, you don't understand what I mean. At least, you don't fully understand what I mean." Khrushchev shook his head, the smile on his face faded, and he said seriously, "Many times, it is not so easy to keep a low profile, and for you, it is probably especially difficult to keep a low profile."
After saying this, Khrushchev felt in his pocket, took out a folded newspaper from his right pocket, and handed it to Yuri.
"This is..." Yuri took the newspaper and did not open it directly. Instead, he looked down and found that the words printed on the newspaper were all in English. He couldn't help but say in surprise.
"This is the New York Times published four days ago. There are some reports about you in it," Khrushchev scratched his nose and said, "You can take a look. I have arranged for someone to fill in the translation in the newspaper."
Yuri's heart moved, and he hurriedly unfolded the folded newspaper and turned to the only page with the translation.
It is not a page at the back, but the actual second page, which is a relatively prominent and important position in a newspaper.
In Moscow, or more precisely in the Soviet Union, it is not easy to see newspapers from the United States. Although the Soviet Union and the United States became allies in a sense after the outbreak of the war, the suspicion and vigilance between the two countries have not been eliminated, but it is not the main contradiction. Under such circumstances, the Soviet Union will of course restrict news reports from the United States.
What was surprising was that in this report, Yuri saw a very detailed resume about himself - yes, a resume report about him.
The entire report seemed to describe Yuri as a legendary general of the Soviet Red Army. In the words of the report, in all the battles against Germany, this young and wise general had never really failed. "He was a communist general who truly used his brain to command the battle."
In fact, most of the content in the report is true. A detailed count shows that since the outbreak of the war, Yuri has never failed in any battle he commanded. No matter whether he was commanding a battalion, a regiment, or a division, and no matter what kind of difficult and adverse situation he was in, his troops were never defeated by the German army, nor were they wiped out by the German army in an organized manner. This is very rare in the tragic Soviet-German war.
After reading the reports in the newspaper, Yuri did not feel complacent at all. On the contrary, such reports made him feel a little worried. Just as Khrushchev said, at this sensitive moment, it would not be a good thing for him to be too much in the spotlight - especially in the foreign media .
"Those Americans are not good people," Khrushchev continued. "They may cause you trouble at any time and anywhere. So if you want to keep a low profile during your trip to Tehran, you should avoid Western journalists as much as possible, do not accept any interviews, and do not even contact them privately."
Yuri nodded seriously, he knew that Khrushchev's reminder was well-intentioned.
"In two days, I will leave Moscow and return to Ukraine," Khrushchev changed the subject, very satisfied with Yuri's attitude, and said, "The offensive campaign in western Ukraine has reached a critical moment. In addition, the reconstruction work on the right bank of the Dnieper River is also being promoted simultaneously. I may be very busy for a long time in the future, and I will no longer hold a concurrent position in the army. Therefore, I am afraid that the help I can provide you is very limited. Most of the time, you can only yourself. In short, no matter what time, try not to stand out. This is my advice to you, Yuri Arkhipovich."
Yuri nodded, indicating that he would remember his advice.
"If possible, I will find a way to transfer you to Kiev after the situation in western Ukraine stabilizes," Khrushchev continued. "The Kiev Special Military District needs to be rebuilt. This is inevitable. I heard that the People's Commissariat of Defense prefers Gerasimenko to be in charge of the reconstruction of the military district, but I don't like this person. I think his ability and performance are not enough for this job."
Gerasimenko is Vasily Filipovich Gerasimenko, who is now a lieutenant general. He previously served as the commander of the 28th Army and performed well in the Battle of Stalingrad and the Battle of Donbass. But in comprehensive comparison, there is still a big gap between him and the young Yuri in terms of military exploits alone. This is probably the most fundamental reason why Khrushchev dared to recommend Yuri openly.
Of course, Khrushchev's arrangement had his own position and starting point. As the established first secretary of Ukraine, he needed to have absolute say in the whole of Ukraine, so the Kiev Special Military District was a node that could not be bypassed. But for various reasons, Khrushchev did not have many confidants in the military, so he needed Yuri to go to Kiev.
But for Yuri, he hoped to jump out of the military system and turn to politics after the war. Therefore, he was not interested in the position of commander of the Kiev Special Military District.
However, at this time, Yuri obviously would not be stupid enough to raise objections, because that would have no effect except to annoy Khrushchev. To put it bluntly, where his future would go was not decided by him alone.
With the smooth progress of the Right Bank Ukrainian Campaign, especially the Soviet Army's several victories in the central front, the situation of the Soviet-German War has become more and more favorable to the Soviet Union. Everyone can feel that the liberation of the entire Soviet Union is not far away. But sadly, for those generals who have made great achievements in the war, this should not be too good news. At least, military generals like Yuri, who are smart, have begun to find new ways for their post-war development.
