Chapter 149: A competent nail
When leaving the Presidential Building, Yuri walked with Zhukov and others. At the moment they walked down the front stairs, the specific scene was as follows: Zhukov, with an expressionless face, walked in front; Vasilevsky followed closely behind, looking up slightly at the sky; behind him was Khrushchev in casual clothes , and Yuri was half a step behind Khrushchev, and the two were chatting and laughing with their heads tilted; one step further behind, Golikov clenched his fists, staring at Zhukov, who was walking in front, with a bad look, and ignored Vatutin, who was talking to him with his head tilted to his left.
This moment is very important because it is the root of a series of struggles within the Soviet Red Army system for nearly twenty years. Several marshals were driven out of the army and spent half their lives in poverty during this series of struggles. Several generals were demoted and had their medals of honor revoked. Many more people lost their bright futures and ended up in a miserable way during this series of struggles. Of course, these are all stories for later, so we won’t talk about them now.
Stalin said that he wanted a detailed battle plan, so he had to come up with it as soon as possible. It had to be fast, detailed, thorough, and comprehensive, taking into account all aspects of the problem as much as possible, leaving no room for error. This was the first battle plan Yuri formally submitted, and it was also a large-scale battle plan, so he had to pay great attention to it.
After parting with Khrushchev in the Kremlin, Yuri rushed directly back to the General Staff, took out all the relevant intelligence materials that had been prepared earlier, and then compared them with the items he had made earlier and the situation map of the Kursk region, and began to draft this battle plan.
Although he had decided to join the military and make a political transition, some habits he had developed in the army were not so easy to change. For example, once he got into work, he would concentrate on it and forget about all the complicated things outside.
Immersed in the drafting of the battle plan, Yuri's mind presented a dynamic picture of the Battle of Kursk: the possible attack directions chosen by the German army, the Soviet defense in that direction, the German breakthrough, the Soviet counterattack, the fierce fighting between the two sides in a specific area, the terrain of the area, etc. All these were presented in his mind, and he needed to formulate a corresponding battle plan based on these things.
Of course, this is not the end. He also has to complete the process of deploying troops according to the drafted battle plan. To be specific, he has to determine which direction has insufficient troops, where they need to be deployed from, how many artillery pieces, tanks, anti-tank weapons, and so on are needed.
This work is tedious and requires a lot of patience, which is one of the most direct reasons why the position of Minister of Operations is difficult.
Yuri didn't know how long he had been busy, but he was startled by the sudden light. He looked up blankly and suddenly found that Khrushchev was standing opposite his desk.
"Borenka, you broke your promise," Khrushchev said with a serious expression, looking at Yuri, "It's already five o'clock, but you are still in the office instead of meeting at your home as we agreed."
"Oh? It's already five o'clock?" Yuri raised his arm and wanted to look at the watch on his hand, but found nothing on his wrist.
Khrushchev didn't say anything. He just picked up the watch that Yuri had taken off at some point from the table and handed it to him.
That's right, the watch shows that it is already a quarter past five.
"Oh, I'm very sorry, Comrade Nikita. I wanted to come up with the plan as soon as possible, but I forgot the time." Yuri stood up quickly and said apologetically.
"Is this the defensive operation plan for the Kursk salient?" Khrushchev asked, looking at the manuscript in Yuri's hand.
"It's not just a defensive operation plan, but also a subsequent counterattack plan," Yuri handed over the manuscript and said, "The defensive operation of the Kursk salient is only to provide support for the subsequent counterattack. The purpose of the operation is to wear down the German offensive forces and create conditions for the subsequent elimination of the German Orel and Belgorod-Kharkov salients."
Khrushchev took the manuscript and read it without hesitation. In fact, according to the regulations, he, as a member of the committee, was not qualified to read such a combat plan. It was not within his duties, and of course, it was not within his power. But now, he read it, because the person who made this plan was Yuri, who was a big nail he drove into the military system. To put it bluntly, it was not that he did not want to read such a plan in the past, but that he had no chance to read it. Now... the opportunity has come.
Khrushchev did not just take a quick look at the plan. He also asked questions from time to time based on the map. Yuri gave detailed answers to all of his questions. For example, Khrushchev asked why four anti-tank artillery regiments were deployed in the Vostka area in the north of the Kursk salient. Yuri told him that the terrain in this area was complex and if the German army chose to attack from here, they could only pass through a narrow passage in the middle of a large jungle. The deployment of four anti-tank artillery regiments, coupled with the setting of minefields, could eliminate the German tanks responsible for the attack to the greatest extent, and even prevent the enemy tanks from returning.
As a people's commissar, Khrushchev was not completely ignorant of military issues, but it can be concluded that even if he understood something, he only knew the basics. This was also the reason why a large number of senior Soviet commanders ignored him, because he did not have anything that could convince them.
Now, all the problems that embarrassed Khrushchev in the past have been solved, because he has a staff officer by his side, a staff officer who is not only qualified but also very excellent - Yuri. This staff officer is more outstanding in military talent than most of the current commanders of the Soviet Army. Khrushchev is also very satisfied with this.
In any way, Khrushchev was still very proactive and motivated. He looked through the plan made by Yuri and asked questions that he did not understand. The whole process took several hours. By the time he was satisfied, it was already 9 o'clock in the evening.
Considering that neither of them had eaten dinner, Yuri suggested going to his apartment and having a simple meal, but this proposal was rejected by Khrushchev, who instead invited Yuri to go with him to his villa in Sokolniki.
Since Stalin came to power in the 1930s, a large number of villas have appeared in Kuntsevo, Sokolniki and Ostankino on the outskirts of Moscow. Most of these villas belong to senior Soviet officials. Khrushchev owns a villa in Sokolniki, but he rarely invites others to that villa.
Yuri knew that Khrushchev must have something to say to him, and that neither here nor in his apartment was safe. The all-pervasive State Security Committee must have already installed eavesdropping devices throughout the place.
Without saying much, Yuri followed Khrushchev out of the General Staff and got into Khrushchev's private Seagull sedan.
The driver for Khrushchev was a middle-aged man whom Yuri knew. His name was Nikolai Ivanovich Tsybin. He was Khrushchev's personal driver and also his most trusted driver.
The car stopped at the entrance of the General Staff Building. When getting in, Tsybin opened the passenger door first, and then the right rear door. Khrushchev did not sit in the back seat, but went directly to the front passenger seat, leaving the back seat to Yuri. After spending more time together , Yuri realized that this was Khrushchev's habit. When he was not accompanied by guards, he always sat in the front passenger seat, allegedly because he felt that this position was safer.
"Have you done the inspection today?" Khrushchev asked Zibin first when the car started to roll.
"Yes, Comrade Nikita," Tsybin replied, driving the car.
"You know, Baolianka, the people in Lavrenti are getting more and more annoying," Khrushchev finally felt relieved. He turned his head and said to Yuri who was sitting behind him, "They always try to pry into other people's privacy, as if everyone is their target of suspicion."
Lavrenti was referring to Beria, and to some extent, Khrushchev's words were not an exaggeration.
"I once found those guys in my apartment installed by eavesdropping devices. Do you know how many there are?" Khrushchev continued, "16, yes, a full 16, even in the bathroom there are two installed."
Yuri laughed along with him. It was really hard to comment on this kind of thing, because he was also a member of the National Security Committee, but because he had been avoiding this identity, he had not reported there for a long time. Of course, Khrushchev should know nothing about this.
"Your political sense is still not sharp enough, Baolenka." Khrushchev obviously did not intend to say more on this issue. He changed the subject and said, "Now, Comrade Stalin is very dissatisfied with some people, but the war is not over yet, so it is not the right time to make personnel adjustments. I recommend that you join the General Staff at this time and leave the front-line command system. I also hope that you can avoid those risks and avoid being liquidated in the future."
Yuri was somewhat disapproving. He thought it was just an excuse from Khrushchev. After all, Khrushchev had not helped him when he was marginalized some time ago.
However, he suddenly thought that Khrushchev might have been making excuses when he said this to him, but the information he revealed was likely to be true. For example, Stalin's last words today were most likely a clear proof of this.
